On a sunny Saturday in February, two policemen on a motorcycle stop Jhon Jairo âPopeyeâ Velásquez as he walks down the driveway of a dilapidated mansion near Medellin, Colombia. The estate belonged to a former associate of late drug kingpin Pablo Escobar, who was killed in 1993, reportedly by Colombian police aided by U.S. Special Forces. Velásquez, who worked for Escobar, is giving a tour of his old mob hangouts and discussing his future in film and politics. The beat cops arenât here to arrest him. âWeâre intrigued by him,â says the more boyish of the patrolmen, who was born the year Escobar was killed. âItâs really cool to hear the story.â If the officer had been born 20 years earlier, he might have been one of over 500 policemen Velásquez and other assassins from Escobarâs MedellÃn Cartel murdered in a bloody war against the Colombian government. Instead, he gives Velásquez his patrol number in case of emergency and the policemen ride away. RelatedInside 'El Chapo' TV Series: How a Cartel Kingpin Became a Pop OutlawVelásquez is the former head hitman of Escobarâs now-defunct MedellÃn Cartel. He was released from a Colombian prison in 2014 after serving over two decades for drug trafficking, terrorism and the 1989 murder of Colombian presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán. He claims to have killed 300 people by his own hand and helped orchestrate the deaths of over 3,000. He was released for good behavior after serving 23 years of his 30-year sentence. (Colombia has neither life sentences nor the death penalty.) Since his release, Velásquez has become a controversial celebrity in Colombia and there are rumors that heâs still connected to the MedellÃn underworld. He has a YouTube channel called âPopeye Arrepentidoâ (Remorseful Popeye) with over 290,000 subscribers. His video blogs consist of politically charged diatribes against Colombian, Venezuelan, Mexican and US heads of state, documentaries about Colombian mafiosos and even his own narcocorrido â a narrative tune about his life. Heâs penned two books that have sold a total of over 225,000 copies, and a controversial TV series about his life was released in February. Now, the former assassin wants to relive his violent past by acting in movies too. Sitting on the patio of a garden cafe, where middle-aged women perform outdoor yoga a few yards away, Velásquez, dressed in all black, explains how acting quenches his thirst for mob life. âI like to shoot and I like the mafia,â he says. âI like the adrenaline and I like crime. I no longer want to do it in the streets; I donât want to kill anyone else. So Iâll do it in the movies.â Currently in production, Velásquezâs new film, X Sicario Profesional (Ex-Professional Assassin), is a fictional story in which Velásquezâs character, Simón, a former mob hitman, is released from prison to find that the cityâs new crime boss, Vladimir, wants him dead. To provoke Simón, the new mob boss kidnaps his niece and Simón is forced to rescue her and kill the enemy. Colombian filmmaker Adolfo X, known locally for his mafia flicks with primitive special effects and lots of sex and gore, directed the film. Velásquezâs isnât the first case of on-screen talent with possible ties to organized crime â several actors from the Italian film Gomorrah were arrested in 2008 for alleged links to the mafia, and Brooklyn native Tony Sirico, who played Paulie Walnuts on The Sopranos, was a former stick-up kid in Bensonhurst who was arrested 28 times between the 1950s and 1970s. But while others have tried to downplay their criminal ties, Velásquez is perhaps most interested in talking about his. âI went from being an assassin to an assassin in film,â he says. And in MedellÃnâs dark past, he sees an opportunity for his bright, cinematic future. âThey killed people at stoplights, in streets,â he recalls. âThey dismembered people, beheaded people, took out their eyes, cut off their fingers. MedellÃn transferred that [experience] to film.â Velásquez is unapologetic about his past and according to him, movies and TV series about the MedellÃn mafia are successful because of the âmagic surrounding the mafia life [the city] lived.â âEveryone says, how are you going to make a movie with a gangster like Popeye?â he says. âIâm a legend. Let it hurt whoever it hurts. This legend is searching for a space in society through film.â ![]() For some MedellÃn Cartel victims, however, Velásquezâs rising celebrity is a painful reminder of the past. Gonzalo Rojas is the executive director of Colombia Con Memoria (Colombia Remembers), a foundation dedicated to the memory of victims of the drug wars. In 1989, when he was 10 years old, Rojasâ father was killed aboard Avianca flight 203, which was blown out of the sky near Bogota by the MedellÃn Cartel, killing all 107 people in the air and three on the ground. The cartelâs alleged target, a presidential candidate who was outspoken against the cartel, was not onboard. âAs victims of the MedellÃn Cartel, [Velásquezâs new TV series] is extremely tragic because [the creators] change the reality of what was really the life of [crime lords],â says Rojas. He argues that these types of series have a negative effect on society because they inherently glorify the bad guys. They can also reopen old wounds. Rosalba Albes is a former police officer who lost her hand in a 1990 anti-kidnapping operation, when a young cartel member detonated a fragmentation grenade near her. âGenerally I donât like these types of programs,â she says. âI like to be at peace and itâs hard to remember these very painful times for MedellÃn and for many of our colleagues that died at that time. Their deaths hurt me profoundly.â In the late 1980s, Escobar and his most prominent associates, known as âThe Extraditables,â declared total war against the Colombian government in response to its efforts to extradite them to the United States. An estimated 4,000 people were slaughtered by Escobarâs assassins including judges, ministers, politicians, journalists and civilians in a terror campaign that was ultimately successful in blocking extradition in Colombiaâs 1991 constitution. (It would later be reinstated in 1997). Since Escobarâs death, there have been power struggles between criminal gangs, but MedellÃn has experienced relative peace. Homicides have dropped over 1,000 percent since their peak of 6,349 in 1991 and, in 2012, the city was named âThe Most Innovative City in the Worldâ by the Urban Land Institute. Colombia is also in the midst of a peace process to end the regionâs longest-standing armed conflict. Velásquez uses his celebrity to voice his distaste for the Stateâs peace deal with the leftist Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the big screen and social media may just be his launchpad for far more ambitious goals. âAfter film, I will head into politics,â says Velásquez, adding that he wants to become a senator with an anti-graft platform in a country where frequent, high-reaching corruption scandals have exacerbated the populace. Velásquez is aware that Colombiaâs Constitution does not allow for people with criminal convictions to hold public office. He argues that a recently signed peace deal with the FARC, which allows guerrilla leaders with prior criminal convictions (including drug trafficking) the possibility to enter politics, should also guarantee his right to hold office. He claims Escobarâs organization was an actor in Colombiaâs internal conflict because it declared war against the state, and therefore he should get the same political concessions as FARC members. Jairo Enrique Herrera Perez, a lawyer and constitutional expert at the Universidad Libre de Colombia, explains Velásquez âcannot even be considered a [political] candidateâ because his crimes were not political in nature. While the Supreme Court ruled that the FARCâs drug trafficking is connected to their rebellion, Herrera says, Popeye and the MedellÃn Cartelâs acts of terror werenât part of an armed conflict, but a means to amass fortunes, forward their own objectives and intimidate Colombian society. Should politics fail, Velásquez threatens to go the way of 1980s drug traffickers and attack the FARCâs political wing. During failed peace negotiations in 1984, the FARC were granted political rights and formed the leftist Patriotic Union (UP) party. During the decade that followed, over 4,000 members of the UP were assassinated by right-wing paramilitaries, members of the army and drug traffickers. âIf the guerrillas take the political power that [current President Juan Manuel Santos] is giving them,â says Velásquez, âIâll head to the mountains and confront all of them with a rifle and 500 men. It will be an army of the ultra-right.â But as the day goes on, it becomes clear that there are still hearts and minds to win over in his country. Unlike his friendly encounter with the police earlier, Velásquez is not well received at the garden cafe and the manager asks Adolfo X to tell him to leave. Velásquez complies, organizes his things and walks past the 40 or so spandex-clad, middle-aged women sprawled out on the cafeâs lawn, now holding their yoga positions awkwardly to get a glimpse of the former hitman as he retreats to the parking lot. The interview is reconvened a few blocks away at Adolfo Xâs apartment. Then I also noticed the 'HD+ Streaming' logo on one so that made me suspicious of the source of the streams. Today my suspicion was kind of confirmed I think, because I was using the ZemTV add on on my phone to watch some stuff and I tried Sky Sports 1 in one of the sports channels list (under ipbox), and the Sky Sports 1 stream was actually Sky Sports 2. Forkplayer torrent tv sites. âThey kicked us out like dogs,â shouts Velásquez between sips of lemonade. â[Those people at the cafe] are people of culture ⦠Theyâre supposedly good people in society, but theyâre not giving me an opportunity ⦠Back in the day, if theyâd kicked me out of the place, they all wouldâve died ⦠Today, we are peaceful, I have a new life.â Back in his cartel days, Velásquez didnât take rejection lightly. He claimed in a 2009 jailhouse interview, when he was denied entry into a popular nightclub, he took out a pistol, âkilled the bouncer and pumped the place full of lead.â Itâs unclear if Velásquez is still capable of the atrocities he committed when he worked for Escobar, but two analysts close to the MedellÃn underworld, who asked to remain anonymous for this story, told of whispers that Velásquez is forming alliances with criminal gangs in MedellÃn. âThatâs false. Iâm clean,â snaps Velásquez, refuting the rumors. Whether or not acting alone will satisfy this former hitmanâs appetite for mob life also remains unclear. âI have my mafia soul; this you donât ever forget,â says Velásquez proudly. âIâm looking for my second chance in society [through film]. If I donât find it, the rifle is an option and the mafia is an option.â Video trailerDirector
Director
Cast
Pablo Escobar
Virginia Vallejo
Neymar
Maria Victoria Henao
FBI Agent
Santos
Ignacio Velarde
Family Man
Pablito
SynopsisLoving Pablo 2017 â Full Movie | FREE DOWNLOAD | TORRENT | HD 1080p | x264 | WEB-DL | DD5.1 | H264 | MP4 | 720p | DVD | Bluray. The film chronicles the rise and fall of the worldâs most feared drug lord Pablo Escobar and his volatile love affair with Colombiaâs most famous journalist Virginia Vallejo throughout a reign of terror that tore a country apart.
IMDb Rating6.3 6,176 votes
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Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria (/ËÉskÉbÉËr/, Spanish: [Ëpaβlo eËmiljo eskoËβaɾ É£aËβiɾja]; 1 December 1949 â 2 December 1993), better known as Pablo Escobar, was a Colombiandrug lord and narcoterrorist. His cartel supplied an estimated 80% of the cocaine smuggled into the United States at the height of his career, turning over US$21.9 billion a year in personal income.[2][3] He was often called 'The King of Cocaine' and was the wealthiest criminal in history, with an estimated known net worth of between US$25 and US$30 billion by the early 1990s (equivalent to between about $48.5 and $58 billion as of 2018),[4][5] making him one of the richest men in the world in his prime.[6][7] Escobar was born in Rionegro, Colombia, and grew up in nearby MedellÃn, studying briefly at Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana of Medellin but left without a degree. He began to engage in criminal activity involving the sale of contraband cigarettes and fake lottery tickets, and also participated in motor vehicle theft. In the 1970s, he began to work for various contraband smugglers, often kidnapping and holding people for ransom before beginning to distribute powder cocaine himself, as well as establishing the first smuggling routes into the United States in 1975. His infiltration to the drug market of the U.S. expanded exponentially due to the rising demand for cocaine; and, by the 1980s, it was estimated that 70 to 80 tons of cocaine were being shipped from Colombia to the U.S. monthly. His drug network was commonly known as the MedellÃn Cartel, which often competed with rival cartels domestically and abroad, resulting in massacres and the murders of police officers, judges, locals, and prominent politicians. In 1982 parliamentary election, Escobar was elected as an alternative member of the Chamber of Representatives of Colombia as part of the Liberal Alternative movement. Through this, he was responsible for the construction of houses and football fields in western Colombia, which gained him popularity among the locals of the towns that he frequented. However, Colombia became the 'murder capital of the world', and Escobar was vilified by the Colombian and American governments.[8] In 1993, Escobar was shot and killed in his hometown by Colombian National Police, a day after his 44th birthday.[9][10]
Early life
The city of MedellÃn, where Escobar grew up and began his criminal career.
Pablo Emilio Escobar Gaviria was born on 1 December 1949, in Rionegro, in the Antioquia Department of Colombia. He was the third of seven children of the farmer Abel de Jesús Dari Escobar Echeverri (1910â2001),[11] with his wife Hemilda de los Dolores Gaviria BerrÃo (d. 2006),[12] an elementary school teacher.[13] Raised in the nearby city of MedellÃn, Escobar is thought to have begun his criminal career as a teenager, allegedly stealing gravestones and sanding them down for resale to local smugglers. His brother, Roberto Escobar, denies this, instead claiming that the gravestones came from cemetery owners whose clients had stopped paying for site care, and that he had a relative who had a monuments business.[14] Escobar's son, Sebastián MarroquÃn, claims his father's foray into crime began with a successful practice of selling counterfeit high school diplomas,[7] generally counterfeiting those awarded by the Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana of MedellÃn. Escobar studied at the University for a short period, but left without obtaining a degree.[15] Escobar eventually became involved in many criminal activities with Oscar Benel Aguirre, with the duo running petty street scams, selling contraband cigarettes, fake lottery tickets, and stealing cars.[16] In the early 1970s, prior to entering the drug trade, Escobar acted as a thief and bodyguard, allegedly earning US$100,000 by kidnapping and holding a MedellÃn executive for ransom.[17] Escobar began working for Alvaro Prieto, a contraband smuggler who operated around MedellÃn, aiming to fulfill a childhood ambition to have COL $1 million by the time he was 22.[18] Escobar is known to have had a bank deposit of COL $100 million (more than US$3 million), when he turned 26.[19] Criminal careerCocaine distribution
International drug routes.
In The Accountant's Story, Roberto Escobar discusses the means by which Pablo rose from middle-class simplicity and obscurity to one of the world's wealthiest men. Beginning in 1975, Pablo started developing his cocaine operation, flying out planes several times, mainly between Colombia and Panama, along smuggling routes into the United States. When he later bought fifteen bigger airplanes, including a Learjet and six helicopters, according to his son, a dear friend of Pablo's died during the landing of an airplane, and the plane was destroyed. Pablo reconstructed the airplane from the scrap parts that were left and later hung it above the gate to his ranch at Hacienda Nápoles. In May 1976, Escobar and several of his men were arrested and found in possession of 39 pounds (18 kg) of white paste, attempting to return to MedellÃn with a heavy load from Ecuador. Initially, Pablo tried to bribe the MedellÃn judges who were forming a case against him, and was unsuccessful. After many months of legal wrangling, he ordered the murder of the two arresting officers, and the case was later dropped. Roberto Escobar details this as the point where Pablo began his pattern of dealing with the authorities, by either bribery or murder.[20] Roberto Escobar maintains Pablo fell into the drug business simply because other types of contraband became too dangerous to traffic. As there were no drug cartels then, and only a few drug barons, Pablo saw it as untapped territory he wished to make his own. In Peru, Pablo would buy the cocaine paste, which would then be refined in a laboratory in a two-story house in MedellÃn. On his first trip, Pablo bought a paltry 30 pounds (14 kg) of paste in what was noted as the first step towards building his empire. At first, he smuggled the cocaine in old plane tires, and a pilot could return as much as US$500,000 per flight, dependent on the quantity smuggled.[21] Rise to prominence
Powder cocaine was manufactured, packaged, and sold by Pablo Escobar and his associates, and eventually distributed to the U.S. drug market.
Soon, the demand for cocaine was greatly increasing in the United States, and Escobar organized more smuggling shipments, routes, and distribution networks in South Florida, California, and other parts of the country. He and cartel co-founder Carlos Lehder worked together to develop a new trans-shipment point in the Bahamas, an island called Norman's Cay about 220 miles (350 km) southeast of the Florida coast. According to his brother, Escobar did not purchase Norman's Cay; it was, instead, a sole venture of Lehder's. Escobar and Robert Vesco purchased most of the land on the island, which included a 1 kilometre (3,300 ft) airstrip, a harbor, a hotel, houses, boats, and aircraft, and they built a refrigerated warehouse to store the cocaine. From 1978 to 1982, this was used as a central smuggling route for the MedellÃn Cartel. With the enormous profits generated by this route, Escobar was soon able to purchase 7.7 square miles (20 km2) of land in Antioquia for several million dollars, on which he built the Hacienda Nápoles. The luxury house he created contained a zoo, a lake, a sculpture garden, a private bullring, and other diversions for his family and the cartel.[22] At one point it was estimated[23] that 70 to 80 tons of cocaine were being shipped from Colombia to the United States every month. In the mid-1980s, at the height of its power, the MedellÃn Cartel was shipping as much as 11 tons per flight in jetliners to the United States (the biggest load shipped by Escobar was 51,000 pounds (23,000 kg) mixed with fish paste and shipped via boat, as confirmed by his brother in the book Escobar). Roberto Escobar also claimed that, in addition to using planes, his brother employed two small submarines to transport the massive loads.[2] Established drug networkIn 1982 Escobar was elected as an alternative member of the Chamber of Representatives of Colombia, as part of a small movement called Liberal Alternative. Earlier in the campaign he was a candidate for the Liberal Renewal Movement, but had to leave it because of the firm opposition of Luis Carlos Galán, whose presidential campaign was supported by the Liberal Renewal Movement.[24][25] Escobar was the official representative of the Colombian government for the swearing-in of Felipe González in Spain.[26] Escobar quickly became known internationally as his drug network gained notoriety; the MedellÃn Cartel controlled a large portion of the drugs that entered the United States, Mexico, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, and Spain. The production process was also altered, with coca from Bolivia and Peru replacing the coca from Colombia, which was beginning to be seen as substandard quality than the coca from the neighboring countries. As demand for more and better cocaine increased, Escobar began working with Roberto Suárez Goméz, helping to further the product to other countries in the Americas and Europe, as well as being rumored to reach as far as Asia. Palace of Justice siege
Escobar was held directly responsible by various media publications for the 1985 storming of the Colombian Supreme Court.
It is alleged that Escobar backed the 1985 storming of the Colombian Supreme Court by left-wing guerrillas from the 19th of April Movement, also known as M-19. The siege, a retaliation motivated by the Supreme Court studying the constitutionality of Colombia's extradition treaty with the U.S., resulted in the murders of half the judges on the court.[27] M-19 were paid to break into the Palace and burn all papers and files on Los Extraditables, a group of cocaine smugglers who were under threat of being extradited to the U.S. by the Colombian government. Escobar was listed as a part of Los Extraditables. Hostages were also taken for negotiation of their release, thus helping to prevent extradition of Los Extraditables to the U.S. for their crimes.[28] Escobar at the height of his powerDuring the height of its operations, the MedellÃn Cartel brought in more than US$70 million per day (roughly $26 billion in a year). Smuggling 15 tons of cocaine per day, worth more than half a billion dollars, into the United States, the cartel spent over US$1,000 per week purchasing rubber bands to wrap the stacks of cash, storing most of it in their warehouses. Ten percent (10%) of the cash had to be written off per year because of 'spoilage', due to rats creeping in and nibbling on the bills they could reach.[18] When questioned about the essence of the cocaine business, Escobar replied with '[the business is] simple: you bribe someone here, you bribe someone there, and you pay a friendly banker to help you bring the money back.'[29] In 1989, Forbes magazine estimated Escobar to be one of 227 billionaires in the world with a personal net worth of approaching US$3 billion[30] while his MedellÃn Cartel controlled 80% of the global cocaine market.[31] It is commonly believed that Escobar was the principal financier behind MedellÃn's Atlético Nacional, which won South America's most prestigious football tournament, the Copa Libertadores, in 1989.[32]
The Justice Minister Rodrigo Lara (center) and presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán (left) were both assassinated by orders of Escobar
While seen as an enemy of the United States and Colombian governments, Escobar was a hero to many in MedellÃn (especially to the poor people). He was a natural at public relations, and he worked to create goodwill among the poor of Colombia. A lifelong sports fan, he was credited with building football fields and multi-sports courts, as well as sponsoring children's football teams.[18] Escobar was also responsible for the construction of houses and football fields in western Colombia, which gained him popularity among the poor.[33][34][26] He worked hard to cultivate his Robin Hood image, and frequently distributed money through housing projects and other civic activities, which gained him notable popularity among the locals of the towns that he frequented. Some people from MedellÃn often helped Escobar avoid police capture by serving as lookouts, hiding information from authorities, or doing whatever else they could to protect him. At the height of his power, drug traffickers from MedellÃn and other areas were handing over between 20% and 35% of their Colombian cocaine-related profits to Escobar, as he was the one who shipped cocaine successfully to the United States.[35] The Colombian cartels' continuing struggles to maintain supremacy resulted in Colombia quickly becoming the world's murder capital with 25,100 violent deaths in 1991 and 27,100 in 1992.[36] This increased murder rate was fueled by Escobar's giving money to his hitmen as a reward for killing police officers, over 600 of whom died as a result.[8] La Catedral prisonAfter the assassination of Luis Carlos Galán, the administration of César Gaviria moved against Escobar and the drug cartels. Eventually, the government negotiated with Escobar and convinced him to surrender and cease all criminal activity in exchange for a reduced sentence and preferential treatment during his captivity. Declaring an end to a series of previous violent acts meant to pressure authorities and public opinion, Escobar surrendered to Colombian authorities in 1991. Before he gave himself up, the extradition of Colombian citizens to the United States had been prohibited by the newly approved Colombian Constitution of 1991. This act was controversial, as it was suspected that Escobar and other drug lords had influenced members of the Constituent Assembly in passing the law. Escobar was confined in what became his own luxurious private prison, La Catedral, which featured a football pitch, giant doll house, bar, jacuzzi and waterfall. Accounts of Escobar's continued criminal activities while in prison began to surface in the media, which prompted the government to attempt to move him to a more conventional jail on 22 July 1992. Escobar's influence allowed him to discover the plan in advance and make a successful escape, spending the remainder of his life evading the police.[37][38] Search Bloc and Los PepesFollowing Escobar's escape, the United States Joint Special Operations Command (consisting of members of DEVGRU (SEAL Team Six) and Delta Force) and Centra Spike joined the manhunt for Escobar. They trained and advised a special Colombian police task force known as the Search Bloc, which had been created to locate Escobar. Later, as the conflict between Escobar and the governments of the United States and Colombia dragged on, and as the numbers of Escobar's enemies grew, a vigilante group known as Los Pepes (Los Perseguidos por Pablo Escobar, 'People Persecuted by Pablo Escobar') was formed. The group was financed by his rivals and former associates, including the Cali Cartel and right-wing paramilitaries led by Carlos Castaño, who would later fund the Peasant Self-Defense Forces of Córdoba and Urabá. Los Pepes carried out a bloody campaign, fueled by vengeance, in which more than 300 of Escobar's associates, his lawyer[39] and relatives were slain, and a large amount of the MedellÃn cartel's property was destroyed. Members of the Search Bloc, and Colombian and United States intelligence agencies, in their efforts to find Escobar, either colluded with Los Pepes or moonlighted as both Search Bloc and Los Pepes simultaneously. This coordination was allegedly conducted mainly through the sharing of intelligence to allow Los Pepes to bring down Escobar and his few remaining allies, but there are reports that some individual Search Bloc members directly participated in missions of Los Pepes death squads.[34][page needed] One of the leaders of Los Pepes was Diego Murillo Bejarano (also known as 'Don Berna'), a former MedellÃn Cartel associate who became a rival drug kingpin and eventually emerged as a leader of one of the most powerful factions within the Self-Defence of Colombia. Personal lifeFamily and relationshipsIn March 1976, the 26-year-old Escobar married Maria Victoria Henao, who was 15. The relationship was discouraged by the Henao family, who considered Escobar socially inferior; the pair eloped.[19] They had two children: Juan Pablo (now Sebastián MarroquÃn) and Manuela. In 2007, the journalist Virginia Vallejo published her memoir Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar (Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar), in which she describes her romantic relationship with Escobar and the links of her lover with several presidents, Caribbean dictators, and high-profile politicians.[40] Her book inspired the movie Loving Pablo (2017).[41] A drug distributor, Griselda Blanco is also reported to have conducted a clandestine, but passionate, relationship with Escobar, several items in her diary linking him with the nicknames 'Coque de Mi Rey' (My Coke King) and 'Polla Blanca' (White Dick).[42] PropertiesAfter becoming wealthy, Escobar created or bought numerous residences and safe houses, with the Hacienda Nápoles gaining significant notoriety. The luxury house contained a colonial house, a sculpture park, and a complete zoo with animals from various continents, including elephants, exotic birds, giraffes, and hippopotamuses. Escobar had also planned to construct a Greek-style citadel near it, and though construction of the citadel was started, it was never finished.[43] Escobar also owned a home in the US under his own name: a 6,500 square foot, pink, waterfront mansion situated at 5860 North Bay Road in Miami Beach, Florida. The four-bedroom estate, built in 1948 on Biscayne Bay, was seized by the government in the 1980s. Later, the dilapidated property was owned by Christian de Berdouare, proprietor of the Chicken Kitchen fast-food chain, who had bought it in 2014. De Berdouare would later hire a documentary film crew and professional treasure hunters to search the edifice before and after demolition, for anything related to Escobar or his cartel. They would find unusual holes in floors and walls, as well as a safe that was stolen from its hole in the marble flooring before it could be properly examined.[44] Escobar also owned a massive Caribbean getaway on Isla Grande, the largest of the cluster of the 27 coral cluster islands comprising Islas del Rosario, located about 22 miles (35 km) from Cartagena. The compound, now half-demolished and overtaken by vegetation and wild animals, featured a mansion, apartments, courtyards, a large swimming pool, a helicopter landing pad, reinforced windows, tiled floors, and a large, unfinished building to the side of the mansion.[45] Death
Members of Search Bloc celebrate over Escobar's body on 2 December 1993. His death ended a 16-month search effort, costing hundreds of millions of dollars.
The tomb of Pablo Escobar and family in the Monte Sacro Cemetery, ItagüÃ
Sixteen months after his escape from La Catedral, Pablo Escobar died in a shootout on 2 December 1993, amid another of Escobar's attempts to elude the Search Bloc.[46] A Colombian electronic surveillance team, led by Brigadier Hugo MartÃnez,[47] used radio trilateration technology to track his radiotelephone transmissions and found him hiding in Los Olivos, a middle-class barrio in MedellÃn. With authorities closing in, a firefight with Escobar and his bodyguard, Ãlvaro de Jesús Agudelo (alias 'El Limón'), ensued. The two fugitives attempted to escape by running across the roofs of adjoining houses to reach a back street, but both were shot and killed by Colombian National Police.[9] Escobar suffered gunshots to the leg and torso, and a fatal gunshot through the ear. It has never been proven who actually fired the final shot into his ear, or determined whether this shot was made during the gunfight or as part of a possible execution, with wide speculation remaining regarding the subject. Some of Escobar's relatives believe that he had committed suicide.[10][48] His two brothers, Roberto Escobar and Fernando Sánchez Arellano, believe that he shot himself through the ear. In a statement regarding the topic, the duo stated that Pablo 'had committed suicide, he did not get killed. During all the years they went after him, he would say to me every day that if he was really cornered without a way out, he would 'shoot himself through the ear'.'[49][page needed] Aftermath of his deathSoon after Escobar's death and the subsequent fragmentation of the MedellÃn Cartel, the cocaine market became dominated by the rival Cali Cartel until the mid-1990s when its leaders were either killed or captured by the Colombian government. The Robin Hood image that Escobar had cultivated maintained a lasting influence in MedellÃn. Many there, especially many of the city's poor whom Escobar had aided while he was alive, mourned his death, and over 25,000 people attended his funeral. Some of them consider him a saint and pray to him for receiving divine help.[50] Virginia Vallejo's testimonyOn 4 July 2006, Virginia Vallejo, the television anchorwoman who was romantically involved with Escobar from 1983 to 1987, offered to Colombian Attorney General, Mario Iguarán, her testimony in the trial against former Senator Alberto Santofimio, accused of conspiracy in the 1989 assassination of presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán. Iguarán acknowledged that, although Vallejo had contacted his office on 4 July, the judge had decided to close the trial on 9 July, several weeks before the prospective closing date. The action was seen as too late.[51][52] On 18 July 2006, Vallejo was taken to the United States on a special flight of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), for 'safety and security reasons' due to her cooperation in high-profile criminal cases.[53][54] On 24 July, a video in which Vallejo had accused Santofimio of instigating Escobar to eliminate presidential candidate Galán was aired by RCN Television of Colombia. The video was seen by 14 million people, and was instrumental for the reopened case of Galán's assassination. On 31 August 2011 Santofimio was sentenced to 24 years in prison for his role in the crime.[55][56] Role in the Palace of Justice siegeAmong Escobar's biographers, only Vallejo has given a detailed explanation of his role in the 1985 Palace of Justice siege. The journalist stated that Escobar had financed the operation, which was committed by M-19; but she blamed the army for the killings of more than 100 people, including 11 Supreme Court magistrates, M-19 members, and employees of the cafeteria. Her statements prompted the reopening of the case in 2008; Vallejo was asked to testify, and many of the events she had described in her book and testimonial were confirmed by the Colombia's Commission of Truth.[57][58] These events led to further investigation into the siege that resulted with the conviction of a high-ranking former colonel and a former general, later sentenced to 30 and 35 years in prison, respectively, for the forced disappearance of the detained after the siege.[59][60] Vallejo would subsequently testify in Galán's assassination.[61] In her book, Amando a Pablo, odiando a Escobar (Loving Pablo, Hating Escobar), she had accused several politicians, including Colombian presidents Alfonso López Michelsen, Ernesto Samper and Ãlvaro Uribe of having links to drug cartels.[62] Due to threats, and her cooperation in these cases, on 3 June 2010 the United States granted political asylum to the Colombian journalist. RelativesEscobar's widow (MarÃa Henao, now MarÃa Isabel Santos Caballero), son (Juan Pablo, now Juan Sebastián MarroquÃn Santos) and daughter (Manuela) fled Colombia in 1995 after failing to find a country that would grant them asylum.[63] Despite Escobar's numerous and continual infidelities, Maria remained supportive of her husband, though she urged him to eschew violence. Members of the Cali Cartel even replayed their recordings of her conversations with Pablo for their wives to demonstrate how a woman should behave.[64] This attitude proved to be the reason the cartel did not kill her and her children after Pablo's death, although the group demanded (and received) millions of dollars in reparations for Escobar's war against them. Henao even successfully negotiated for her son's life by personally guaranteeing he would not seek revenge against the cartel or participate in the drug trade.[65] After escaping first to Mozambique, then to Brazil, the family settled in Argentina.[66] Living under her assumed name, Henao became a successful real estate entrepreneur until one of her business associates discovered her true identity, and Henao absconded with her earnings. Local media were alerted, and after being exposed as Escobar's widow, Henao was imprisoned for eighteen months while her finances were investigated. Ultimately, authorities were unable to link her funds to illegal activity, and she was released.[67] According to her son, Henao fell in love with Escobar 'because of his naughty smile [and] the way he looked at [her]. [He] was affectionate and sweet. A great lover. I fell in love with his desire to help people and his compassion for their hardship. We [would] drive to places where he dreamed of building schools for the poor. From [the] beginning, he was always a gentleman.'[68] MarÃa Victoria Henao de Escobar, with her new identity as MarÃa Isabel Santos Caballero, continues to live in Buenos Aires with her son and daughter.[69] On 5 June 2018, the Argentine federal judge Nestor Barral accused her and her son, Sebastián MarroquÃn Santos, of money laundering with two Colombian drug traffickers.[70][71][72] The judge ordered the seizing of assets for about $1m each.[73] Argentinian filmmaker Nicolas Entel's documentary Sins of My Father (2009) chronicles MarroquÃn's efforts to seek forgiveness, on behalf of his father, from the sons of Rodrigo Lara, Colombia's justice minister who was assassinated in 1984, as well as from the sons of Luis Carlos Galán, the presidential candidate who was assassinated in 1989. The film was shown at the 2010 Sundance Film Festival and premiered in the US on HBO in October 2010.[74] In 2014, MarroquÃn published Pablo Escobar, My Father under his birth name. The book provides a firsthand insight into details of his father's life and describes the fundamentally disintegrating effect of his death upon the family. MarroquÃn aimed to publish the book in hopes to resolve any inaccuracies regarding his father's excursions during the 1990s.[75] Escobar's sister, Luz Maria Escobar, also made multiple gestures in attempts to make amends for the drug baron's crimes. These include making public statements in the press, leaving letters on the graves of his victims and on the 20th anniversary of his death organizing a public memorial for his victims.[76] Escobar's body was exhumed on 28 October 2006 at the request of some of his relatives in order to take a DNA sample to confirm the alleged paternity of an illegitimate child and remove all doubt about the identity of the body that had been buried next to his parents for 12 years.[77] A video of the exhumation was broadcast by RCN, angering MarroquÃn, who accused his uncle, Roberto Escobar, and cousin, Nicolas Escobar, of being 'merchants of death' by allowing the video to air.[78] Hacienda NápolesAfter Escobar's death, the ranch, zoo and citadel at Hacienda Nápoles were given by the government to low-income families under a law called Extinción de Dominio (Domain Extinction). The property has been converted into a theme park surrounded by four luxury hotels overlooking the zoo.[43] Escobar IncIn 2014, Roberto Escobar founded Escobar Inc with Olof K. Gustafsson and registered Successor-In-Interest rights for his brother Pablo Escobar in California, United States.[79] HipposEscobar kept four hippos in a private menagerie at Hacienda Nápoles. They were deemed too difficult to seize and move after Escobar's death, and hence left on the untended estate. By 2007, the animals had multiplied to 16 and had taken to roaming the area for food in the nearby Magdalena River.[80][81] In 2009, two adults and one calf escaped the herd and, after attacking humans and killing cattle, one of the adults (called 'Pepe') was killed by hunters under authorization of the local authorities.[81][82] As of early 2014, 40 hippos have been reported to exist in Puerto Triunfo, Antioquia, from the original four belonging to Escobar.[83] Without management the population size is likely to more than double in the next decade.[84] The National Geographic Channel produced a documentary about them titled Cocaine Hippos.[85] A report published in a Yale student magazine noted that local environmentalists are campaigning to protect the animals, although there is no clear plan for what will happen to them.[86] In 2018, National Geographic published another article on the hippos which found disagreement among environmentalists on whether they were having a positive or negative impact, but that conservationists and locals - particularly those in the tourism industry - were mostly in support of their continued presence.[87] Apartment demolitionOn 22 February 2019, at 11:53 am local time, MedellÃn authorities demolished the six-story Edificio Mónaco apartment complex in the El Poblado neighborhood where, according to retired Colombian general Rosso José Serrano, Escobar planned some of his most brazen attacks. The building was initially built for Escobar's wife but was gutted by a Cali Cartelcar bomb in 1988 and had remained unoccupied ever since, becoming an attraction to foreign tourists seeking out Escobar's physical legacy. Mayor Federico Gutierrez had been pushing to raze the building and erect in its place a park honoring the thousands of cartel victims, including four presidential candidates and some 500 police officers. Colombian President Ivan Duque said the demolition 'means that history is not going to be written in terms of the perpetrators but by recognizing the victims,' hoping the demolition would showcase that the city had evolved significantly and had more to offer than the legacy left by the cartels.[88] In popular cultureBooks
Fernando Botero's portrayal of Escobar's death
Escobar has been the subject of several books, including the following:
Download Pablo Escobar The Drug Lord Torrent FreeFilmsTwo major feature films on Escobar, Escobar (2009) and Killing Pablo (2011), were announced in 2007.[95] Details about them, and additional films about Escobar, are listed below.
Television
Music
![]() References and notes
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External links
Retrieved from 'https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Pablo_Escobar&oldid=900442829'
From his days as a petty thief to becoming head of a drug-trafficking empire, this riveting series charts the life of the infamous Pablo Escobar.
Starring:Andrés Parra, Angie Cepeda, Cecilia Navia
EpisodesPablo Escobar: El Patrón del MalEven as a child, Pablo had a head for business. When he grows up, he begins working with El Alguacil and is introduced to the drug trade. After his incarceration for theft, Pablo decides to enter the cocaine business by purchasing a farm to ensure drug production. Pablo and Gonzalo are incarcerated for drug trafficking, while Fabio is forced to accept his sister Patriciaâs relationship with Pablo. Using the planes he purchased, Pablo ships drugs to Miami, where Graciela handles distribution. Pablo gives his brother an unforgettable gift. Pablo Escobar Drug WarPablo builds Hacienda Nápoles. The news of an extradition treaty between Colombia and the United States puts him on high alert. The search for Irma proves fruitless, and the leaders of the organization meet to discuss the extradition treaty. Pablo witnesses firsthand the influence politicians can wield, and he ponders going into politics as a means to seize power. Some of Pablo's partners object to his political ambitions. He begins his campaign for Congress, but the party's leader doesn't want any ties to him. Both Pablo and Galán see victories in the election, but Pablo is already plotting to get rid of his adversary. Pablo takes office. Rodrigo Lara is appointed secretary of justice and uses the opportunity to make a statement against drug trafficking. The newspaper publishes evidence linking Pablo to drug dealing. Meanwhile, Rodrigo is accused of having ties to the Mafia. Pablo resigns from his seat in Congress and orders Rodrigo's assassination. The National Police take down a huge cocaine laboratory in the jungle. Rodrigo is murdered on Pablo's orders. Hunted by the police, Pablo is forced to go into hiding. Col. Jiménez learns who was behind Rodrigo's assassination and searches for them all over MedellÃn. Pablo's mother, wife and son flee Colombia. Pablo and his associates hide in Panama while the police search for them in the wake of Rodrigo's death. Pablo bullies and bribes several agents of the police to obtain their protection. A pilot who works for the cartel gives the DEA compromising photos. The guerrilla group takes over the Palace of Justice, leaving civilians, police officers and some of their own members dead. Judges are assassinated and threatened for their attempts to bring Pablo to justice. Marcos Hérber escapes the police. Judge Zuluaga is assassinated. Pablo smuggles cocaine on commercial flights. The U.S. activates the extradition process for members of the cartel. Marino discovers the colonel's informant. The Supreme Court rejects the expulsion law. Pablo learns that his mistress, Yesenia, is pregnant. The cartel dealers publish a statement. Meanwhile, Pablo orders Yesenia to get an abortion. Jorge assassinates the reporter investigating Crisanto, while Chili and Topo await the right time to attack the colonel. The colonel's death is met with celebration back at the hacienda. Jorge is in serious danger and fears for his life. Jorge is murdered by Marcos. Maj. Aristides arrives at the farm with a search warrant, much to Pablo's chagrin. Pablo gives the order to kill Guillermo and worries about the situation with Chili and Marcos. The MedellÃn cartel assassinates the editor of El Espectador, and Marcos celebrates the news. The media and the nation are devastated by the cartel's latest hit. Once again, the Supreme Court rejects the extradition treaty. Pablo changes his mind and decides he wants to turn Marcos in to the police. Meanwhile, his men threaten Crisanto. Betrayed by Pablo, Marcos becomes the first drug trafficker to be extradited to the United States. Pablo's men free Cain and Kiko from jail using a helicopter. Pablo must leave his house to evade capture by Col. Pedregal. Pablo kills Correa and Hernan, the men who clashed with Gildardo. But Mauricio, one of the partners, is looking for his friend. Pablo decides to kill Mauricio to be done with Hernan, while the MedellÃn cartel declares war on the Cali cartel. While the Cali cartel prepares to strike, Pablo learns about the relationship between Marino and Yesenia. The cartel worries about the possibility of Pedro being extradited to the United States. Marino plans to escape with Yesenia. The Cali cartel goes after Pablo, but he evades them. The secretary of justice finally gets the orders against the Motoa brothers and Pablo. Pablo's family suffers the consequences of the Cali cartel's attack. Pablo's men kill Col. Pedregal and make an attempt on Maj. Aristides's life. Pablo kidnaps Andrés Pastrana, a candidate from a powerful political family. Patricia and Enelia worry about their living situation. The police free Andrés Pastrana, but the country's attorney general is kidnapped to keep pressure on the government to not accept extradition. A law to ban extradition goes before Congress and is supported by Sen. Santorini, an ally of Pablo. After Congress rejects the proposed law to forbid extradition, Pablo decides to take revenge by having his political enemies executed. Pablo and the Mariachi plan to murder Galán. Magistrate Garcés Bernal is assassinated under Pablo's orders. Col. Quintana decides to stop using his bodyguards and walk among the people to distract the enemy. Pablo and his men plot to assassinate Galán. A concerned neighbor's call to the police thwarts the cartel's attempt on Galán's life. But Chili manages to pull off the assassination. Pablo tells Gonzalo that he tried to negotiate with the government but he didn't get anything, so now he plans to kill its leaders. After the death of Galán in the attack ordered by Pablo, the country is in shock. The president decides to create an elite group to fight terrorism. While the nation mourns Galánâs death, Juan Manuel and Gloria ask César Gaviria to continue Galánâs legacy by becoming the next president. El Espectador is targeted in a brutal attack. MedellÃn's cartel meets to discuss the subject of extradition and decides to go on the offensive. The elite group follows Maria to Pablo's location, and a confrontation results in Fabio's death. Pablo reacts by trying to execute the colonel. Pablo's family misses his birthday celebration when they're detained at a military checkpoint. Furious, Pablo plants a bomb in the DAS building. Pablo manages to meet with his family after a long time without seeing them. The Cali cartel receives news about El Mariachi, thanks to a spy in his ranks. An explosion destroys the intelligence building. With help from Naufrago, the Cali cartel can zero in on El Mexicano. Pablo is with a virgin. An enraged Pablo sends his men a list of 17 people who must suffer consequences for their actions. Pablo and the organization try to negotiate an agreement with the government. Pablo orders Evencio's murder. When the president suspends negotiations, Pablo unleashes a new war. Pablo's reward for every dead police officer generates a wave of terror. Presidential candidate Bernardo Jaramillo meets his fate. Pablo puts a $100,000 bounty on Col. Pabón's head and tells Gen. Pedraza that the paramilitaries plan to kill presidential candidate Diego Pizano. Col. Pabón learns who Chili's informant is and plans to use him as bait. The government offers a $1 million reward for Pablo's capture. Col. Pabón's men find Chili. A leader of the paramilitaries tells the police Pablo's location. Pablo and his men are relentlessly targeted by the elite group, forcing them to flee to the jungle, where Pablo contracts malaria. Pablo continues his war against the government, planting several bombs in Bogotá. César Gaviria takes office as the new president of Colombia. Pablo reflects on the good times he shared with his cousin Gonzalo. The father of the Motoa brothers urges them to leave the business and surrender. The Motoa brothers try to negotiate a deal with the government, but the president doesn't agree to the terms. Pablo kidnaps several public figures. Pablo kidnaps two more people. The government agrees to new terms, and Pablo frees three journalists as a sign that he is willing to negotiate. An informant leads the government to some of the hostages, but Diana Turbay is caught in the crossfire. Pablo gives the order to execute a hostage. Diana Turbay dies after a failed rescue attempt, and the country is shattered by the loss. Pablo's men hunt for the police informant. Pablo agrees to surrender if the president meets several of his conditions, including sending Pablo to a prison in MedellÃn. Maruja Pachón is freed. Fernán Santana is freed. After Pablo negotiates the terms of his surrender, he's detained in La Catedral, a prison. The Gonzales brothers look for alliances to make an attempt against Pablo. Topo takes some money that belongs to Ramada. Pablo orders the assassination of Ramada and Arellano. The government learns about Pablo's activities inside the prison and sends in the elite group. Pabloâs enemies form a new organization called Los Pepes that helps the police to capture El Buitre and eliminate Cain. Pabloâs family tries to flee the country. Thanks to Los Pepes, the police manage to locate Topo. Candonga surrenders to the police. In jail, Peluche receives a letter bomb that leaves him injured. Pablo says he will cooperate if his family is given protection in another country. Pablo's family is turned away from Germany and returned to Colombia. A search squadron traces a phone call that Pablo makes to his family. Pablo Escobar Drug Trade
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Andrés ParraAngie CepedaCecilia NaviaVicky HernándezChristian TappánRodolfo SilvaTommy VasquezToto VegaNicolás MonteroMarcela Gallego
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